Archive for the ‘Unknown Soldier’ Category
I want to thank everyone for reading our first story arc and for following this blog. This book has changed my life and as long as it exists it will continue to do so. But of course, it cannot exist without you, so again, deeply, thank you.
This comic is a real work of passion for me. And every month it’s a battle to write. Traveling to East Africa, living with the Acholi, Lango and Baganda people, staying in their homes, eating food from their tables, witnessing the joy and sorrow of their existence… nothing else in my life has compared to these experiences and hammering that raw humanity I witnessed into a war book has not been easy. Sometimes I question if it’s the right thing to do at all. But having everyone come here and comment and get involved in this conversation about what I feel is the continent of the future, well, it gives me hope that the commercial decisions we’re making in this book go a long way to actually getting new and interesting ideas about Africa out there.
And now, being nominated for an Eisner for best new series, well, it just pushes our intentions out even further, to a wider audience, and I’m so excited about that.
We’ve discovered with this little web page that there isn’t a lot of places you can go on the net to get concise information about the LRA and the efforts to neutralize them. We even received a communication from an Acholi non-profit group telling us we had posted dates about Ugandan troop with-drawls from DRC before they’d heard anything about it and asking what our sources were (a deep web research tendency and several Ugandans I keep in close touch with). So I’ve decided to keep this site live and use it to blog about further news from Acholiland, East Africa and the continent as a whole as often as I can. Which, sadly, is not this month because of taxes and deadlines, but soon… soon.
And please, keep reading Unknown soldier! Because we’re just getting started!
One last time…
- Joshua Dysart
This month I want to talk about the CIA’s involvement in the overthrow and assassination of Lumumba, a democratically elected leader in 1960 in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo, and how that has led to constant destabilization of the country and the region.
UPDATE ON OPERATION “LIGHTNING THUNDER”
“Soon Kony will have no fighters. He will die of hunger, be captured or get killed.”
– UPDF Operation Commander, Brig. Patrick Kankiriho. 24th February 2009.
As I write this, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) chief Joseph Kony and about 250 rebels are reportedly cornered in a swamp in the Garamba jungle in northeastern DRC by three separate armies. These armies are the Ugandan Peoples Defense Force, Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (the Congolese Army) and the Sudanese Peoples Liberation Forces. Since the beginning of this offensive these three armies have failed to neutralize Kony despite overwhelming firepower and tactical knowledge.
If you’re not familiar with how this situation got to where it is, or of operation “Lightning Thunder” in general, which was carried out by the above mentioned three armies along with AFRICOM providing satellite phones, intelligence and fuel and US advisors – authorized by Bush – lending expertise, then please check out past posts on this site.
Suffice to say that since the attack in December on the LRA, Kony has cut a swath of death across DRC. Last January alone LRA soldiers were fingered for the deaths in DRC and South Sudan of more than 900 people, the displacement of 130,000 refugees and the kidnapping of hundreds of children. Some are saying the death toll is now, in late Feb. up to 15,000.
But with the failure of Uganda and Sudan to bring in their man the UN, long criticized for under-policing DRC, is stepping up. This coming Saturday, Feb. 28, Ugandan and Sudanese soldiers will pull back out of DRC. The report is that they’ll be replaced with a new United Nations military company. The UN Security Council has authorized the deployment of an additional 3,000 troops, an attack helicopter and two transport helicopters and 1,500 Egyptian police, Special Forces and soldiers, all to work in conjunction with the DRC military to stabilize the area and smoke out Kony.
But the locals have their own ideas. Western Equatoria’s Arrow Boys, a Sudanese self-defense group that use traditional weapons (bows, arrows, spears and clubs) treated with poisonous powder, have said they’re ready to fight the Ugandan Kony to the death and are urging Kony to surrender before they begin their march.
Is this Kony’s last stand? After two decades in the bush, his entire adult life, is this how and where it ends?
I don’t know, this war has been so close to ending so many times… It’s hard to get ones hope up. I can say only this, the suffering, while not over, has been exported, and while we should cry for the Congolese and Sudanese who’ve inherited yet another madman, the people that our current story-arc is about, the Acholi, are busy rebuilding and re-imagining their world. There’s much to learn as banks and hotels and tourists flood into their post-war patch of land. What the new Acholi will look like, what of their culture will survive, no one can tell. But if they can hold on to the bucking bastard of modernity, then maybe someday soon there will be a generation who never knew war. And even though they’re on the brink of this, for now, it still seems almost more than we can hope for.
We’ll keep you posted…
Moving on, in this month’s issue of Unknown Soldier (#5), we see a 20 year-old Jack referring to the assassination of Lumumba and America’s involvement in it. So let’s jump back to 1961. The height of the Cold War and fill in the back the story with the…
THE HORRIBLE DEATH OF PATRICE LUMUMBA
Patrice Émery Lumumba (2 July 1925 – 17 January 1961) was a catholic, publicly educated member of the liberal anti-colonial movement in the Republic of the Congo during its time as a Belgium colony. He was so influential over the politics of his time and place that the Belgium colonialists were forced to release him from an unjust prison term in Jan of 1960 and send him to Brussels to participate in the signing of the declaration of Congolese independence. National Congolese elections followed in May, and Lumumba, at 35 years old, became Congo’s first democratically elected Prime Minister.
Shortly after his election Lumumba raised the pay of all government employees except for the army. A fatal mistake. By July 5, a mutiny among the nations soldiers had erupted (their anger compounded by the fact that they still had to answer to Belgian officers who were slow to release power). The rule of law quickly broke and looting and violence overran the young country before it could even solidify its government.
Katanga, a significantly large southern province, declared independence on July 11, 1960. This move was backed and supported by the Belgium government and Belgian corporations who were effectively now sabotaging Congo’s bid for stability and therefore a lasting freedom. They ultimately hope to retain control of Congo’s vast resources. Katanga fueled the fire of the erupting new nation and United Nations troops were dispatched, but the unrest could not be quelled.
Lumumba turned to Dwight D. Eisenhower and the United States for assistance, but when the US refused to help him stabilize his nation he was forced to seek aid from the only power left, the Soviet Union. He begged the USSR to help him subdue Katanga and keep them from splitting the Congo Republic into two nations, which would bring about total civil war. The minute he asked for Soviet help, however, Eisenhower, ensconced in the Cold War, branded Lumumba a communist. A Soviet invasion of the rebellious Katanga was attempted and failed. The failure due to the intensity of jungle fighting, something the Russians were not used to. After that, everyone, except for the vast majority of the Congolese people, turned their back on the ill-fated Lumumba.
It has since been revealed by a declassified interview with then-US National Security Council minute keeper Robert Johnson that it was after the failed Soviet invasion of Belgian controlled Katanga that Eisenhower said to CIA chief Allen Dulles that Lumumba should be eliminated. Allen Dulles then ordered Lumumba’s assassination as “an urgent and prime objective”.
In September, amongst all the chaos, a coup organized by Congo Republic Army Chief of Staff Colonel Joseph Mobutu, once a personal friend of Lumumba’s, and funded by the CIA (who, by this time, had attempted at least one documented assassination of Lumumba and was in the midst of plotting another) successfully removed the Prime Minister from power and placed him under house arrest. Only ten weeks after his democratic election Lumumba’s government had been deposed by western powers and their puppets.
Lumumba, still enjoying virtually unanimous voter support, escaped house arrest and fled to Stanleyville where he attempted to set up his own government and army to fight back against the illegitimate and remote controlled government now in place. But in December Mobutu’s men again arrested Lumumba.
Lumumba was transferred to the Katanga Province, the separatist region he had sought to contain. There is no just reason for his being sent there. There was no intention of any trial. The CIA was aware of this breach of legal action, as were the Belgians, who had controlling interest in Katanga.
On Jan. 17, 1961 Lumumba, upon arriving in Katanga, was tortured and gagged. Later that night, the democratically elected Prime Minister was driven to an isolated spot where three firing squads commanded by Captain Julien Gat and Police Commissioner Verschurre, both Belgians, were waiting. There have since been unearthed written orders from the Belgian government requesting Lumumba’s murder. The execution most likely took place between 9:40PM and 9:43PM. Lumumba’s corpse was then buried in an unmarked grave nearby.
The next day, fueled by rumors that the burial had been observed, Belgian Police Commissioner Gerard Soete and his brother dug up the body and took it to the Rhodesia border for reburial. Then, on January 21, Commissioner Soete and his brother dug up Lumumba’s corpse again, cut it into pieces and dissolved it in a trashcan full of sulfuric acid. They kept as souvenirs, some teeth, skull fragments and bullets that survived the acid bath.
By now rumors had begun to circulate that the people’s chosen leader had been murdered, but it wasn’t until three weeks later that his death was announced on Katangese radio. It was said that Lumumba had escaped imprisonment – where he was awaiting his fair trial – and was killed by enraged villagers.
After the announcement of Lumumba’s death, street protests erupted across European. In Belgrade, protesters sacked the Belgian embassy, in London clashes with police turned to chaos and violence.
CIA records released in 2000 show two partly censored CIA cables from Katanga on January 17, the day of Lumumba’s murder, and January 18, the day of the first exhumation. The first cable is mostly censored, and consists of communication about what exactly should be done with Lumumba. The second cable sent to the CIA expresses thanks for Lumumba being delivered to Katanga and then says that, had they known he was coming, they would have “baked a snake”. The same CIA records show that David Doyle, the then chief of Elizabethville base in Katanga, where Lumumba was held, told CIA officers that he was keeping Lumumba’s body in the trunk of his car until he could figure out what to do with it.
Mobutu, who it is no exaggeration to say was installed by the United States, went on to create a 32-year long totalitarian regime, infamous for it’s human rights violations. He embezzled some $5 billion USD from his own country (half of the Congo GDP during his time in power), plunging it into severe poverty from which it has never recovered. He is ranked as the third-most corrupt leader in the past two decades and the most corrupt African leader of his time. His name is now synonymous with the idea of African kleptocracy.
The truth is that DRC never had a chance for a brighter future. From the United States, hopped up on a Cold War roid-rage, willing to leap at shadows, to the bitter colonialist Belgians refusing to let go of the endless resources belonging to a people that had successfully demanded their independence to the inevitable growing pains of the new, democratic Congo, it’s fate was sealed in just one year.
But beyond the politics, beyond the history, there is this man, Lumumba. A single human being who grew up believing in the rule of law and in the power of democracy. Lumumba spoke with passion and captured the imagination of his people. He was a new leader for a new Congo, a new Africa. A beacon of hope. Now imagine that man in the bush in the middle of the night. Beaten, dragged, spit on, treated like an animal, on his knees, looking up at the barrall of a white man’s gun, his greatest crime his passion for his nation.
What a cold and terrorfying moment, before the bullet hit, when he realized that everything he believed in was a lie. And that even the nation that claim to be the great harbringer of democracy was really just another thug with a gun.
Thanks for reading…
The Life and Times of Patrice Lumumba…
The CIA in the Congo…
The fourth issue has hit… and so, as per our contract with you the reader, the fourth installment of the six part web-series is up. First we’ll update you on what’s happened with the hunt for Kony and his reactivated militia since last month and then we’ll talk a little about the psychological state of the child soldier in Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA).
THE AFTERMATH OF OPERATION “LIGHTNING THUNDER”
On December 13, 2008, the Ugandan Peoples Defence Force (UPDF, government army) Special Forces, air force and artillery, in tangent with the Congolese and Sudan Peoples Liberation forces, began operation “LIGHTNING THUNDER”. A full fledged air campaign followed by artillery and infantry that attacked Kony’s base in Democratic Republic of Congo and began to drive him and his LRA west, deeper into the Garamba jungle. See last month’s entry for more details.
At the time it looked to me, from my cozy chair here in California, like the military offensive was successfully dismantling the LRA and weakening Kony’s strength. That might still be true. But there have been terrible, terrible side-affects of this conflict, side-affects that were the primary concern of those opposed to the military strike in the first place.
It seems that “splinter gangs” of LRA soldiers, largely inactive for over two-years now, are being fingered for the deaths in DRC and South Sudan of more than 900 people and the displacement of over 130,000 refugees, as well as the kidnapping of hundreds of children, this has all happened over the last month, according to an estimate by the United Nations. If these allegations are true, then these are the worst LRA attacks in four years.
However, Alex Oloya, an LRA spokesman, has called for an independent investigation apart from the UN, ? “We categorically deny those allegations. Kony himself has indicated his position and whereabouts. The LRA is not in the area. We have been in Congo for two years and not killed civilians. Why now? They are not our enemy.”
The United Nations responds, “In an apparent desperate attempt to escape and on the search for food to survive, the rebels have intensified their slaughter of Congolese civilians, with attacks recorded in the villages of Tomati, Sambia and Durba. These attacks have, in general, worsened the security and humanitarian situation MONUC underlines.” (MONUC: the UN’s mission in Congo).
The LRA is claiming that this is a power play by Ugandan President Museveni. That he hopes to push his troops deeper into east Congo and begin to steal resources from DRC, and that it is Museveni’s troops who are responsible for the atrocities. They’re using the International Court Of Justice (ICJ) ruling from 2005, which found Uganda liable for war crimes and destruction in Congo during the Congo War as evidence that Museveni is capable of this.
It is undeniable that Museveni has attempted to marginalize this conflict, undeniable that over its 23-year history he has stalled its peace processes, compromised his own ability to protect the Acholi people and acted in an ethically questionable manor in regards to his neighboring nations. It is also undeniable that it is in Uganda’s best interest to push into Eastern Congo to hold back another, separate, rebel army (Laurent Nkunda’s army – a story for another day) from spilling into West Uganda. But as any reader of this page knows, the LRA simply cannot be trusted. They have made a modus operandi out of the kidnapping of children, the slaughter of innocents and the terrorizing of populations. For now, the United Nations independent investigations committee is, by far, the most trusted group involved, and the closest thing to reliable information we can get coming out of this conflict.
Here’s a news article on why the initial bombing of the LRA camps in mid-December went wrong. Garamba air raid: Maruru speaks out
The LRA has torched a church in DRC, indicating a shift in policy (not that any LRA policies are ever firmly set) regarding Christian institutions.
THE CHILD SOLDIER IN THE LRA
“Early on when my brothers and I were captured, the LRA explained to us that all five brothers couldn´t serve in the LRA because we would not perform well. So they tied up my two younger brothers and invited us to watch. Then they beat them with sticks until two of them died. They told us it would give us strength to fight. My youngest brother was nine years old.” Former child soldier, aged 13.
The role of children over the course of this two-decades long conflict is a debated topic. The International Criminal Court stated in 2004 that the “LRA base of combatants… [are] mostly aged between 11 and 15… according to reports over 85% of the LRA’s forces are made up of children, used as soldiers, porters, labourers and sexual slaves…”
Yet UNICEF contradicted these figures. Saying that two-thirds of those abducted between 1990 and 2001 were over 18. And that most of the abducted were released within a year. Even noted specialist on the topic, Tim Allen, whose work I use, copy, and downright plagiarize, says, “The emphasis on the LRA’s child soldiers can therefore at times seem disproportionate.”
He goes on to claim that the emphasis on child soldiers allows us to allocate juvenile status to the LRA and deflect attention from the fact that President Museveni’s government recruits child soldiers as well. Something we briefly hint at in this month’s issue of the comic.
But while we can debate all day the extent to which child combatants were used in Uganda and are now being used in DRC, it cannot be denied that they have, IN FACT, been used. Again and again I have come across documents, interviews and even, during my time in Uganda, heard eyewitness accounts, of child combatants. While the greatly respected (certainly by me) Allen makes legitimate arguments in regards to the dangers of over-infantilizing the LRA, the phenomena and psychology of the child soldier persists.
Whether a dominant amount of these children were and are being trained for combat, forced to kill relatives in order to have their moral compass and personal sense of self compromised or just made to hump Maize flour or coffee across the Sudan border, they are still children caught in conflict, often finding themselves at the center of firefights, under the blazing bullets of Ugandan Gunships and sent out as decoys in the heat of battle. These are child soldiers. There is no other term for it. And the question is how do you re-integrate the children once they’ve escaped the LRA? How do you help them overcome the Post Traumatic Stress Disorder and the nightmares? How do you rebuild a society on the back of a generation orphaned and traumatized by war?
Several organizations are working on this problem. And we’ll explore it more in the comic during the next story arc, “Easy Kill”. Many of these organizations are using art therapy, the power of storytelling, and other therapeutic techniques to resocialize war-affected youth.
But the problem persists, even with a two-year peace in the Northern Uganda area. In this culture of healing, the physics of good intentions can backfire. It has, for instance, been reported that some, during the height of the conflict, expressed a desire to be abducted due to the financial assistance and opportunities afforded to the escaped abductees. There were opportunities for education, psychological rehabilitation and financial assistance that Northern children who labored in the terrible disease ridden camps simply did not receive.
It is a terrifying concept. A world where abduction is a potential key to a brighter world and safety is a lock on suffering. It is the kind of topsy-turvy world that Kony and Museveni built, brick by brick, child by child, year after year in the North of Uganda.
- Joshua Dysart
Issue #2 of Unknown Soldier has just hit the stands and so, as it will go for the remainder of the first story arc, installment #2 of our web-extra series is up as well. Here you can follow the creative process on the book from script to page. You can also read further into the complex political and social world of Northern Uganda. This month we focus on the Night Commuters.
Here’s some helpful terms, names and acronyms…
- Acholi: Ethnic group from the districts of Gulu, Kitgum and Pader in northern Uganda (an area commonly referred to as Acholiland), and Magwe County in southern Sudan.
- IDP Camps: Internally Displaced Persons Camps. An IDP is a person forced to flee their home but who, unlike a refugee, remains within their country’s borders.
- LRA: The Lord’s Resistance Army. A rebel Christian guerrilla army operating mainly in northern Uganda and parts of Sudan.
- Joseph Kony: Head of the Lord’s Resistance Army. Spiritualist rebel who claims to posses mystic powers.
- UPDF: The Uganda Peoples Defence Force. The armed forces of Uganda.
- Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: President of Uganda since 1986.
Last month I talked about the forced migration of virtually the entire Acholi population onto the IDP camps. President Museveni’s government claimed this move would be in the interest of the Acholi people and would protect them from the ravages of the war between the government and the LRA. What it actually did was displace them from their lands and rob them of their autonomy.
On top of this, the quality of security in the camps was extremely low. Even when each camp had its stated pre-requisite of one Army detachment, safety was far from guaranteed. UPDF soldiers were known to flee at the first sign of an LRA attack. Worse, fear of possible conflict has been reported to drive UPDF guards to unpredictable and dangerous abuses. Including beating people in the camps who made too much noise at night. There was also the danger of soldiers raping the women in the camp. The youthful make-up of the UPDF (a child of 16 can enlist – making what some have called a government-sanctioned child army), fear of Kony’s perceived military and mystical power and the fatigue the government soldiers felt – many of whom had been re-stationed immediately after Congo War II – made for an ineffective, and easily routed fighting force.
Since the LRA almost always came at night to abduct future soldiers, workers and wives into their ranks, and often operated right in the heart of the camps, the ever self-reliant Acholi children began to take the matter of their safety into their own hands, and in so doing, created a phenomena that eventually became one of the strongest images to emerge from the war. They began to “commute” daily by the thousands. Before dark, vast swarms of children from 6 to 16 years old began the trek from their camps, scattered across Gulu District, to the larger towns. The blankets they carried and the clothes they wore were their only possessions in the world. They traveled from four to ten miles each day, simply to sleep in schools and dispensaries, in the awnings of shops and in Catholic Missions. Only to wake up at the crack of dawn and begin the journey back to their respective camps to tend to their families or avoid being accused of rebel activity by the UPDF. By 2004 it was estimated that every night more than 25,000 children where taking to the roads in search of safety before nightfall. At one point Noah’s Ark, one of Gulu’s shelters for night commuters, stated, that it was taking in more than 6,000 children per night. Each and every one of them terrified for their safety. But even this massive, daily movement of human beings could not guarantee protection. Reports of young women transacting sex for safe harbor in the night was not uncommon and if the shelters were full, sleeping under a car did not, in any way, offer a strong sense of security.
This was all part of the natural outgrowth of the terror campaign waged by Joseph Kony on the Acholi (his own people). The LRA would target very young children in their raids. Smashing the heads of infants and throwing toddlers into fires. These stories spread fear amongst youth who had not yet been a part of an LRA attack. And if abducted, then the child’s fate was unpredictable. Would they be a worker, resigned to constant physical abuse while carrying goods for miles and miles, only then to be let go immediately afterward? Let go to spread the word of LRA cruelty, their very freedom born from the whims of a man with a gun, the child’s life a symbol of the LRA’s power and the child’s powerlessness? Would the child be forced to kill their own parents as an act of indoctrination into the new moral order that exists inside the twisted LRA culture, leaving the child ripe for programming and training as a soldier in their forces? Would the be forced (if they were a woman) to marry a highly placed officer in the LRA, a man often much, much older than themselves, who would regularly rape them, who has complete control over them, and who will, most likely, be the father of their child? You can see how the fear of abduction becomes a strategy. It displaces the culture, keeps them from organizing, takes the already palpable dread of the enemy to a legendary level that cannot be psychologically coped with or rallied against. The persistence of the Night Commuter phenomena throughout this war is a testament to the effectiveness of the psychological aspect of the abductions.
However, it has also backfired on Kony. The images of thousands upon thousands of children – owning nothing, dragging tired bodies, walking on swollen barefoot feet across miles of dusty road simply to sleep in safety – stunned the world when they finally began to matriculate out into the global mainstream press, which had, up to this point, been criminally negligent in its coverage of the conflict. It could be argued that transmission of the Night Commuter imagery through various media outlets in developed nations brought about a public awareness that would eventually force President Museveni to take more seriously the possibility of peace talks and by 2007, Night Commuting had ended.
Despite the failure of the peace process between the Ugandan Government and the LRA, and even minor reactivity on the abduction front as of last month, the Night Commuters have not taken back to the roads. This is a good sign. A sign that the Acholi are done with war. That they are done with empowering a madman (Kony). Done with his fear tactics. They want to rebuild, to reclaim, to have their culture be reborn. What the new Acholi people, the post-war Acholi people, will act like, think like, is anybody’s guess. Wounds run deep. More than one generation is scarred by this conflict. The old Acholi ways, living in the villages, nightly gatherings to tell stories, rural traditions, these things are most likely gone forever, ground up by the all-consuming conflict. But there will be peace, if only because the people of Northern Uganda are too exhausted for anything else. And with this comes new hope.
The Wikipedia Page for the Global Night Commute, a worldwide protest in the name of the Acholi children that took place on April 29, 2006.
A video featuring night commuters talking about why they flee and how one organization is trying to give them purpose in their lives now that the war is essentially over. It has some audio problems, but it’s still an interesting view.
Globally there are over 24 million Internally Displaced People, human beings forced to flee their habitual place of residence yet have crossed no recognized international border. They are not, technically, refugees, and are not afforded the same rights as such under international law. According to the IDMC (Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre) more than 11 million of those IDPs are in Africa. Numbers vary on how many exist in northern Ugandan alone, but in 2006, consensus rested between 1.4 and 2 million people.
Lord’s Resistance Army’s (LRA) violent rebel campaign against the Ugandan government of President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the President’s haphazard, uncommitted and, sometimes even, draconian response back has left much of the three Acholi districts (Gulu, Pader and Kitgum) in the northwest of the country completely abandoned save for the IDP CAMPS that strategically hug major roads and the outskirts of towns. By 1996 – approximately 10 years after the rise of the first Christian/mystic military leaders in the area and 8 years after the appearance of Joseph Kony, leader of the Lord’s Resistance Army who has claimed to be possessed by the spirit of Jesus Christ – the Ugandan military began to forcibly, sometimes violently, displace human beings and relocate them to the camps. It is not uncommon to hear an Acholi voice conspiratorial sentiments. Such as the belief that Uganda’s President Museveni was making a grab for their land or that the president simply wanted to remove the Acholi people from the Ugandan political process by making them, essentially, a homeless tribe. More than once people referred to their homes as “concentration camps” in my presence. However, despite some very questionable behavior by the President (who came to power through violence in 1986), I personally feel that the camps were simply a misguided attempt at anti-insurgency on the part of the Ugandan Military. Part of a long line of feeble policies implemented by a president who, until relatively recently, seemed unconcerned with truly ending the war.
A year later, in 1997, the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) began delivering food to the camps. By 2006 more than 80 percent of the Acholi population had been relocated and classified as IDPs. Their land, their traditions, their culture, their progress as a people in a developing world, all compromised by the inhuman living conditions of their new, mass homes.
High mortality rates and adults leaving to find jobs caused a large population of unattended children to amass in the camps. They are everywhere. Moving in flocks. Sick, skinny, dirty. As one Acholi told me during my visit to Kitgum, “We no longer understand our children. We do not move forward together, as a people. The children are a tribe of their own now.”
With dense population, poor sanitation, abundance of disease and malnutrition, no clean water, virtually all food coming from relief aid, the common threat of fire and being barely secured by the UPDF (Ugandan Army) the camps represent neither safety nor hope. To attempt to wander off and cultivate land on your own is to run the risk of rebel abduction; or of you, yourself, being identified as a rebel by the UPDF; or of simply stepping on a discarded landmine.
But there is good news. In September 2006 a ceasefire was declared after peace talks. The dampening of the war throughout the peace process has caused Acholi to begin to return to their familial land. It is estimated that since 2006 more than half the IDPs have left the camps. In May of 2007, however, I still found the camps to be a large, unnerving presence and I was told by one WFP (United Nations World Food Programme) driver that the numbers of those leaving the camps had been inflated by President Museveni’s government who increasingly finds itself on the world stage these days (Uganda was just allowed a temporary seat on the UN Security Council a few weeks ago). Those who do return home, the driver told me, often return to land that is riddled with mines.
Since my trip, the peace process has collapsed. Joseph Kony, who seems able to turn the sanity off and on, has reminded us again of his mental volatility by murdering one of his own deputy-leaders (Vincent Otti) and pulling out of the process. At least one case of abduction by the LRA has been reported, literally, within weeks of the printing of our first issue. Whether or not these events reverse the Acholi migration back to the camps and reinstall the northern Ugandan culture of horror that persisted for 20 years is unknown. What is known is that the people want peace. They feel its need in their bones. They want to rebuild. To heal. To put suffering behind them. And one day, when there is no more war on this patch of land… these camps will stand like ghost towns, slowly being swallowed by the sub-Sahara bush.
- Joshua Dysart
Photos by Joshua Dysart
While the film is a little soft on the condition in the camps it’s still the most positive and expressive work of art to emerge from this conflict. The film is guaranteed to make you cry.